Thursday, October 31, 2019

Compare and contrast two poems Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Compare and contrast two poems - Essay Example pen rests; as snug as a gun.† (Bloom, 1986) Heaney begins his poem by describing the ‘pen’ which symbolizes the essential instrument for writers. Further the pen is compared to a gun. A gun represents power; so does the pen which enables expression of emotions and thoughts. It is said that the pen is mightier than the sword. A gun is associated with the idea of destruction and suffering. The media in the present world can either make you or break you which prove that the pen can annihilate like the gun, but, the pen can also elevate and one can soar to great heights. ‘Digging’ enhances the idea of the ‘self’ wherein the narrative voice is first person narration as portrayed in the line, â€Å"between my finger and my thumb’. (Bloom, 1986) Plath on the hand begins on a negative note that portrays doubt and depression, â€Å"You do not do, you do not do, Any more, black shoe, In which I have lived like a foot, For thirty years, poor and white, Barely daring to breathe or Achoo†. A total sense of anxiety and bereavement sets the mood and tone of the poem. Further the title ‘Daddy’ reveals the fact that Plath’s emotional stability was stunted and this has lead to her feeling like an abandoned child. Further, words such as ‘black shoe’, ‘Achoo’, exhibit the frightened mental state of the child thus portraying dependence on the father figure she wanted but could never have. Plath is seeking self-realization and control from the aftermath of her father’s death. (Jean, 1984) The similarity between Plath and Heaney is that in the second stanza the father figure is established and explored. As witnessed in Heaney â€Å"Under my window a clean rasping sound, When the spade sinks into gravelly ground: My father, digging. I look down† and in Plath â€Å"Daddy, I have had to kill you. You died before I had time--- Marble-heavy, a bag full of God, Ghastly statue with one grey toe Big as a Frisco seal† the contrast found here is that Heaney portrays

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Social Problems Work Essay Example for Free

Social Problems Work Essay When referring to social problems, society generally looks at them from a larger objective or standpoint. The problem is going to include some typified examples, general terms that are associated with the problem, and statistics created in the claimsmaking process. This macrosociological approach relies on what the media has portrayed the problem to be. It is the job of social problems work to narrowly tailor aspects of a social problem in order to attempt to solve or address it in a practical and immediate manner (Best 227). Best explains that social problems workers, such as doctors and teachers, have encountered stereotypes of their roles that require them to perform grand feats but they work in highly regulated systems and industries. Bureaucratic procedures make it difficult for the workers to effect change directly. This also leads to varied amounts personal discretion that social problem workers possess. Since social problems work is narrowly tailored, specific individuals receive personal attention. These cases can be a doctor and patient’s interaction, a teacher’s conversation with their student, or a police officer’s interaction with a citizen who has made a call. When they are trying to make accurate assessments of each case, the social problems workers have to ask themselves questions like â€Å"What seems to be the problem Which aspects of the case are relevant†¦ Does this seem to be a serious matter†¦ What is the nature of the subject†¦ Are other people watching†¦ Are there work-related considerations†¦? (Best 236-239). Because the nature of their work can be so sensitive, social problems workers find that they are caught in the middle or blamed for the outcome or consequences from their work. As expected, social problems workers expect for the subjects to cooperate with their plan of action in order to help eliminate their issues, but when they do not, the workers are left to deal with the consequences. â€Å"Social problems worker try to control the flow of information about their activities. They generally prefer that others learn about the work they do directly from them†¦Ã¢â‚¬  in order to prevent the possibility of information being distorted by media outlets looking to portray their work in a certain way (Best 248). Some social problems workers go the extreme and tamper with the information they submit to reporting agencies to ensure that they are seen in the best possible light. They are able to get away with this because there are many situations in which workers are required to use their own personal discretion with out having to defer power to their supervisors or bosses until afterwards. Social problems workers are required to bring larger, abstract problems to a personal, more detailed level. Doing this can benefit certain claims by bringing an actual face and story to a social problem. It does not only create the perfect victim, but it gives a face and a personal account of how the social problem has directly affected their life or wellbeing. Activist as claims makers would benefit from using social problems workers, their subjects, and cases as a method to personify their claim. Experts as claims makers would only be able to capitalize off of social problems work by using the possibly skewed data and statistics they provide in order to give an overall picture. By looking at individual workers and cases, there is a chance they can encounter a unique situation that is not consistent with the data or point they are trying to make. In lecture, we discussed the need for claims makers to not only have statistical and concrete information to prove and advance their claim, but the need for the public to be able to relate to it and see how is also affects them or their loved ones. If it does not, there will be no reason for them to want to support the cause. Social problems work is an ideal way for this to be done because it finds a medium between expert testimony and activists. Many people have interactions with social problems workers, so it is easy for them to bring up their concerns with a particular problem and see how and if they can help or are at risk. For example, child abuse is a social issue that draws attention because of the underage status of its victims. People see children as helpless and in need of a nurturing guardian. Any adult can as a police officer, doctor, or teacher what resources are available to serve as a safe haven for abused children. I feel as though the media and social problems workers have made efforts to use each other for their own gain and benefit. Various media outlets can call upon social problems workers to boost their ratings by bring sensationalized stories and cases. This is used to play on the emotions of the public and â€Å"guilt† them into advancing their cause. This can be seen with infomercials regarding poor children in â€Å"third world countries†, children with cancer, and animal abuse advocates. Organizations like Feed The Children use images of celebrities or former government officials next to images of poverty stricken, starving children. Viewers are made to feel guilty because they are told that the amount of money they use on their daily coffee can provide essentials for that child. Once the viewer has made the connection between how much their Starbucks cost and the idea that their child does not have to live that life, they are then compelled to donate to the organization. The social problems worker in the commercial has been used a pawn for donations and ratings. Similarly, hospitals that specifically cater to children with terminal illness show individual cases of these children and their doctors. Sometimes their parents explain that their child would have not survived without the donations from viewers because the hospital does not charge for their services. The doctors also add their perspective as to how much their procedures would have cost. After they have explained the financial aspect of the individual child’s care, they then proceed to use the medical terminology for their condition with images of young children attached to massive hospital equipment. After watching the commercial and listening to the doctors, the public generally assumes that they are correct and donates to the organization. The media does this as well with animal abuse advocates. They show footage of domestic pets with lesions and injuries. Viewers are led to assume that they came from their owners. While the intentions of social problems workers are usually genuine, they are put on display on these commercials for the benefit of the organization and the network airing it, not necessarily the actual social problem or those affected by it. Social problems workers have the hard task of doing their jobs and helping their subjects in their particular cases. This is a difficult task because of the bureaucratic red tape and policies that they work through. For them to try to solve an entire social problem by themselves would be an endless task, especially due to the added consequences and stresses from the general nature of their work. This can lead to embellishments in their actual efficiency and a lackadaisical attitude towards the issue entirely. Different types of claims makers have attempted to use social problems workers to benefit them and not the entire problem, but despite this, their social problems worker and those they come in contact with are an invaluable aspect to ridding society of the issue in its entirety.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Cindy Sherman Artist Biography

Cindy Sherman Artist Biography No other artist has ever made as extended or complex career of presenting herself to the camera as has Cindy Sherman. Yet, while all of her photographs are taken of Cindy Sherman, it is impossible to class call her works self-portraits. She has transformed and staged herself into as unnamed actresses in undefined B movies, make-believe television characters, pretend porn stars, undifferentiated young women in ambivalent emotional states, fashion mannequins, monsters form fairly tales and those which she has created, bodies with deformities, and numbers of grotesqueries. Her work as been praised and embraced by both feminist political groups and apolitical mainstream art. Essentially, Shermans photography is part of the culture and investigation of sexual and racial identity within the visual arts since the 1970s. It has been said that, The bulk of her workà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦has been constructed as a theater of femininity as it is formed and informed by mass culture (her) pictures insist on the aporia of feminine identity tout court, represented in her pictures as a potentially limitless range of masquerades, roles, projections (Sobieszek 229). Born in Glen Ridge, New Jersey, Cindy Sherman grew up in suburban Huntington Beach on Long Island, the youngest of five children and had a regular American childhood. She was very self-involved, found of costumes, and given to spending hours at the mirror, playing with makeup (Schjeldahl 7). Cindy Sherman attended the state University College at Buffalo, New York, where she first started to create art in the medium of painting. During her college years, she painted self-portraits and realistic copies of images that she saw in photographs and magazines. Yet, she became less, and less interested in painting and became increasingly interested in conceptual, minimal, performance, body art, and film alternatives (Sherman 5). Shermans very first introductory photography class in college was a complete failure for she had difficulties with the technological aspects of making a print. After her disastrous first attempt in photography, Sherman discovered Contemporary Art, which had a profound and lasting effect on the rest of her artistic career (Thames and Hudson 1). Shermans first assignment in her photography class was to photograph something which gave her a problem, thus, Sherman chose to photograph her self naked. While this was difficult, she learned that having an idea was the most important factor in creating her art, not so much the technique that she used. While she was talented at copying with pencils and paints, this artistic method would not allow Sherman to express herself personally. But with a camera, Sherman could use her body as a tool (Sills 64). The young artist became fascinated by the way any image at all, simply being presented, activates a mysterious charge-neither subjective nor objective, but of both (Schjeldahl 7). In college, Sherman became active in the local avant-garde scene, the liveliest of two decades, and especially in Hallwalls, an artist-run alternative exhibition space (Heller 223). In 1975, while still attending college, Cindy She rman created her first series of five photographs entitled, Untitled A-E. Within these first photographs, Sherman attempts to alter her face with makeup and hats, attempting to take on different personas, such as a little girl in Untitled D, and a clown in Untitled A (Thames and Hudson 2). This first series is Shermans first attempt of documenting transformation. The Curator Linda Cathcart, saw the pictures at Hallwalls and put them at the Albright Knox Art Gallery (Heller 225). Because Sherman had such vivid imagination and became fascinated with self-transformation, Sherman often bought vintage clothes and accessories from thrift stores, which helped her to form and create different characters. So it just grew and grew until I was buying and collecting more and more of these things, and suddenly the characters came together just because I had so much of the detritus from them (Thames and Hudson 2 ). Sherman went even as far as wearing the costumes and dressing as different charact ers to gallery openings and events in Buffalo. She wore these costumes because she wanted to see how far she how transformed she could look (Haller 225). Yet, Sherman never considered dressing up for performance purposes because she was not maintaining a character but simply getting dressed up to go out (Thames and Hudson 2). Cindy Sherman began her famous series of Untitled Film Series at the end of 1977. The small black and white photographs are of Sherman impersonating female character types from old B grade movies, which speak to a generation of baby boomer women who had grown up absorbing these glamorous images ay home on their televisions, taking such portrayals as cues for their future (Thames and Hudson 1). Upon graduation of college in 1977, Cindy Sherman and her fellow student Robert Longo moved to Manhattan, New York together. She continued with her interest in role-playing and dressing up as different characters, and began to photograph herself in these different guises among different locations such as her apartment Untitled Film Still #10, in the Southwest in Untitled Film Still #43, and in Long Island in Untitled Film Still # 9. Shermans manipulation of lighting, makeup, and dress make it difficult to believe that all of the characters represented were indeed the same person (Heller 225). A ll of the portraits are of her but none of the works are in any way a self-portrait of Sherman. They are portraits of an identity that Sherman shares with every female who thinks of her life in the way of a cheap movie. For this reason alone, is why her work has been looked at for special by feminist who hold the view that women do not hold theories, but tell stories. In the stills it is important to get a deep and true understanding that her use of photography is more integral to the performance then a photographic record of what took place. (Danto 10-11). Each of the stills is about the girl in trouble, but in the aggregate they touch the myth we each carry out of childhood, of danger, love, and security that defines the human condition. Desire mixed with nostalgia fuels the allure of the Untitled Film Stills-desire for the woman depicted as well as desire to be that woman, during that time (Thames and Hudson 4). Sherman said that the last thing she wanted her pictures to have was emotion. The still only provided a framework through which her deeper artistic impulses found expression (Danto 9). She was most interested in what a character was like when they were completely emotionless (Sherman 8). These black and white photographs were purposely grainy because Sherman wanted them to look like cheap publicity shots. While, Sherman takes most of her own photographs using a remote shutter-release, some of her pictures are also taken by her family and friends. This Untitled Film Series was first exhibited in 1995, in the Hirshborn Museum of Washington D.C. In each of the photographs, Sherman is depicted alone, As a familiar but unidentifiable film heroine in an appropriate setting (Thames and Hudson 2). Some of the many characters depicted are of a perky B-movie librarian in Untitled Film Still #13; a voluptuous lower-class women from an Italian neo-realist film in Untitled Film still #35; and a young secretary in the city Untitled Film Still # 21 (Thames and Hud son 2). In terms of the untitled film still #35 and Untitled Film still #15, both depict Sherman as a seductress, Sherman says To pick a character like that was about my own ambivalence about sexuality-growing up with the woman role models that I had, and a lot of them in films, that were like that character, and yet you were supposed to be a good girl (Thames and Hudson 2). Sherman encourages the viewers participation in constructing their own narratives of her Untitled Film Still #10, Untitled Film Still # 14, and Untitled Film Still #65 (Thames and Hudson 3) Sherman created sixty-nine photographs in total, presenting her works in an array of types. According to Judith Williamson, force upon the viewers that elision of image and identity which women experience all the timeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Thames and Hudson 3). Cindy Shermans Untitled Film Stills are also seen as related to feminist performance work of the 1970s by artists such as Adrian Piper and Eleanor Antin. Sherman is also noted as being heavily influenced by these artists. The Untitled Film Series are not only photographic records of performance but performative accounts of filmic images (Thames and Hudson 4). Sherman ended her sixty-nine photograph scenes in 1980, when she began to realize that she was duplicating previously used characters, clichà ©s, and stereotypes. Cindy Shermans next series or collection of photographs was her first working color called the Rear Screen Projections, which exude the artifice of a television show. With her increasing desire to work at home, Sherman created her photographs in front of a projected screen, which she projected slides of outdoor and indoor scenes. Viewing the photographs one can obviously tell that the background is fake. The very realistic and sometimes quite closely cropped images of Sherman contrast with the blurry and substantial settings, heightening the artifice of the entire scene (Thames and Hudson 5). Her second series concentrates on the 1960s and 1970s rather then the 1950s depicted in the Untitled Film Series. Rather then female victims, the Rear Screen Projections depict women who are confident and independent, usually youthful, middle-class women in the real world. The characters of the Rear Screen Projections are best identified as being counterparts of women in the media of the 1970s s uch as Mary Richards character in The Mary Tyler Moore television series (Thames and Hudson 5). In 1981, after creating a portfolio of images for an issue of Artforum, Sherman became inspired by the magazines horizontal format and produced a series of works that refer to the photo spreads in photographic magazines. This is said to be Shermans first mature work. These large photographs are in color, are cropped and close-up with each image depicting a young woman looking off to the side with a vacant and vulnerable look. She keeps background details to a minimum allowing the attention to be drawn to the figure. Shermans horizontals suggest a profound transgression against form. Within these pictures have there is no coherent point of view (Sobieszek, 25). When Sherman showed this series, she was criticized by some for having created women that reaffirm sexist stereotypes, therefore Artforum rejecting this series. Critics have found Untitled #93 as the most suggestive of all her works. This photograph shows a woman with messy hair and smudged makeup in bed covering her eyes, whil e looking toward the light that shines in her eyes. Although Sherman has stated that She was imagining someone who had just come home in the early morning from being out partying all night, and the sun wakes her shortly after she has gone to bed (Thames and Hudson 6). Critics on the other hand have read this photograph as a rape portrayal. Misreading of the centerfolds became very common because people tried to create stories from them, discovering hidden meanings where none were present (Schjeldahl 9). Much like her earlier works, the centerfolds mimic and repeat mass media modes. In the Pink Robe series, Sherman uses herself once again to imitate the stance of porno models, choosing to pose only in a pink chenille bathrobe. This series conveys a state of loveless intimacy, intimacy without understanding or personal tenderness (Schjeldahl 10). In this series, Sherman responds to the criticism of the centerfold series, and switches to a vertical format in order to do away with the vulnerability of the characters. Yet, the Pink Robe Series is just a continuation of the Centerfold series because Sherman thinks of these images as depiction of the porno model during breaks between posing for nude shots (Thames and Hudson 7). Sherman sits in front of the camera deciding to appear as un-sexy and without makeup or wigs, staring directly toward the viewer. Many critics interpret this series as the real Cindy and most revealing of all of her photographs (Thames and Hudson 7). Sherman has produced four groups of works that quote from fashion photography. In Shermans fashion series, she reminds the viewer that that fashion allows us to create and display a wide range of appearances as if we each possessed a wide range of identities (Sobieszek, 253). Her first fashion series was commissioned in 1983 for a spread in Interview magazine. Provided with designer clothes such as Jean-Paul Gaultier, Sherman undoubtedly provided an antithesis of a glamour ads. The models look silly but utterly delighted in their high fashion frocks. Her second commissioned fashion photographs are even more bizarre from the previous works, with the models looking dejected in Untitled #137, exaggeratedly wrinkled in Untitled #132, and even homicidal in Untitled #138. It appears inevitable that Sherman would be drawn to fashion spreads because fashion is yet another means of masquerade for women, and ads for clothing promise to convert the buyer into a more perfect version of herself ( Thames and Hudson 8). Like all advertisements, fashion photographs manufacture a desire in a woman that could never be filled. Sherman uses her fashion photographs to undermine the desirability of such images by emphasizing their manipulating nature (Thames and Hudson 8). In the fairy tales and monster series, Sherman reminds us of the monsters from childhood memories and may be suggesting through these photographs that everyone harbors a secret, repressed self that can shift form and shape at will (Sobieszek, 253). The undercurrent turned, rather startling in the 1980s into a torrent of gore and rage when she switched to using a larger format and often lurid colors, and to concocting increasingly horrific and surreal images (Kimmelman 142). These images represent a time in her career when her images truly become strange and surreal. These photographs are unusual not only because of their horrific images, but also because a viewer is unaccustomed to seeing such stories represented in photographs. The strangest scene appears in Untitled #150, In which an androgyn with a huge, extended tongue fills the foreground, and tiny figures stand in the landscape behind it, making it seem like a giant among Lilliputians (Thames and Hudson 9). Shermans Fairy Tales do not depict a specific example, but evoke a narrative form. By the early 1990s Sherman had tired of creating these shocking images turning to art history for inspiration. The result was a series of photographic portraits of her returning as the model, transformed by her usual false noses, bosoms, into both male and female figures as painted by various old masters of Western painting (Heller 225). Even when Sherman was creating history portraits she worked out of books, with reproduction, she says that Its the aspect of photography that I appreciate, conceptually: the idea that images can be reproduced and seen anytime, anywhere, by anyone ( Kimmelman 145). Just like all the rest of her works, the history paintings do not depict a particular painting but depicts types for the history genre. Sherman creates the most memorable and humorous pictures of women. Often spoofing the awkward depictions of the female anatomy of the Old Masters paintings. Understanding how ridiculous these history paintings are helps the viewer understand that Sherman is mocking the Western canon and its depiction of royalty and religious figures (Thames and Hudson 12). Shermans next career move was to a raunchy pornographic depiction of individuals called the Sex Pictures. Using mannequins and body parts form medical catalogues, she constructs hybrid dolls. Rather then showing the dolls having sex, Sherman proudly shows the sex. Sherman created these works in response to the controversy over the National Endowment for the arts ands the debates over the constitute obscenity in the arts. Typically, pornography portrays sex as anonymous, but in Shermans series she depicts sex as ridiculous (Thames and Hudson 14). It Shermans work, the notion of self is completely abandoned, replaced by the concept of multiplicity, dissociation, and fluidity. Yet, her portraits do not appear as performances only unstable representations in ambiguous non-narratives making brief appearances, caught in a moment of ambivalent emotional expression (Sobieszek, 253). Much of her work is clearly meant to be ambiguous. Her pictures have been interpreted as feminist indictments of gender stereotyping, but Sherman insists that she is not political (Heller 226). References Danto, Arthur C. Cindy Sherman: Untitled Film Stills. New York: Rizzoli, 1990.. Heller, Nancy G. Women Artists and Illustrated History. New York: Abbeville Press, 1987. Kimmelman, Michael. Portraits. New York: Random House, 1998. Schjeldahl, Peter. Cindy Sherman. New York: Pantheon Books, 1984. Sherman, Cindy. The complete Untitled Film Stills. New York: The museum Of Modern Art, 2003. Sills, Leslie. In Real Life: Six Women Photographers. New York: Holiday House, 2000. Sobieszek, Robert A. Photography and The Human Soul 1850-2000. Los Angles: MIT Press and Los Angles County Museum of Art, 1999 Thames and Hudson. Cindy Sherman Retrospective. Chicago: Museum of Contemporary Art, 1998.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Animal Farm Book and Movie :: Compare Contrast Animal Farm Essays

Animal Farm Book and Movie   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Animal Farm is a novel about farm animals running a farm and becoming self sufficient. It is a story with great detail and is a very good book to read because of it surprising events. If you have seen Animal Farm the movie, you would feel completely different. The movie has far less detail and events to make it as interesting as the book. Though the story is basically the same, the lack of details makes the movie dull.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One thing that can make a book good is characters. In the book, there were many more animals in the farm. The movie did not show many animals except for the main animals. Even thought this is a small difference, it can be noticeable. In the book, Mollie was a character. When she betrayed the animals by being with a human it gave you a feeling that there were more animals that could be traitors. In the movie since there was no Mollie, you did not even have a feeling of suspense for what was going to happen later on.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the book, there was many surprises that shocked me. One of those surprises was that Napoleon wanted Snowball ousted. Though Napoleon did not like Snowball, the wasn't really any evidence that he would try to kill Snowball. In the movie, Napoleon, had a bad image already. He had a mean look and shoved his way in front when Old Major gave his speech. There was also gloomy music when they had scenes of him. When the book showed of Napoleon as a bad guy, I was surprised but I expected it in the movie because the movie showed him as a bad person from the beginning.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another detail that the movie missed was when all the animals could talk. In the movie not all the animals could talk. This eliminated many important things. Beasts of England was hummed when the animals sang it. When they could talk, the words represented the hate they felt for the humans and the injustice they felt was done to them. This is important because this greatly motivated the animals to rebel. If they just hum the tune and call it Beasts of England, it takes away from the mood of the story. Another reason speech is so important is that in the book, animals sometimes questioned authority. Boxer had once questions Squealer's actions. It also made it so the regular animals besides the pigs could not communicate to each other and trying to guess their feelings was not the easy.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The movie had a few more differences.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Hamlet Essay

Thomas Kyd’s The Spanish Tragedy shaped the work of William Shakespeare’s Hamlet. Both are revenge tragedies that include the mystery of death. Behind the mystery, there is a spirit of the dead who appears before the protagonists, Hieronimo and Hamlet, to cry out for revenge. In The Spanish Tragedy and Hamlet, soliloquy plays an important role. It is often used to express the true feelings of the main characters. In both tragedies, the protagonists use soliloquy to demonstrate a central dilemma that slows the main character’s process of vengeance. The dilemma is that it is sinful to commit a murder, but it is also unfair to keep the criminal alive. Their soliloquies show their desire to commit suicide to escape from the dilemma. Another obvious dilemma is that suicide is a sin as well. Thus, the question is whether to live to satisfy the ghost and be damned, or to kill oneself and be damned. Realizing revenge as the better choice of the two, both mad geniuses decide to seek revenge at last. Soliloquies also display the character’s madness. It is their uncertainty, their attempt to reveal the truth, and their mind persistently seeking for reason that drives the avengers to some extent of madness; however, they are not completely insane. Their madness only acts as a disguise so they seem harmless. Both Hieronimo and Hamlet are deceitful. They stay close to the murderers as a mad person grieving for the death of their loved ones, then they act to their plan when it is least expected. The two avengers succeed in the revenge. Of course, the heroes, along with many other characters in the play, die at the end.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Standing Tall: Japan’s Resilient Luxury Market

McKinsey Consumer and Shopper Insights June 2012 Standing Tall: Japan’s Resilient Luxury Market Brian Salsberg Naomi Yamakawa Photograph: Abbie Chessler 2 In the immediate aftermath of the tsunami, earthquake and nuclear disaster that hit Japan last year, killing 19,000 people and battering the nation’s already shaky confidence, it was hardly surprising that people didn’t feel like shopping. At the time, the conventional wisdom was that such restraint was likely to last.People would still have to shop for essentials, of course, but the market for things like high-fashion apparel and luxury handbags was surely bound to suffer long-term damage. Such thinking made eminent sense – except it didn’t happen. Fifteen months on, today’s luxury market looks a lot like the luxury market that existed the day before the Great East Japan Earthquake, much as we anticipated in last year’s report. 1 Our findings at the time were necessarily tentative, coming as they did less than three months after the disasters.Today, we can assert this with more confidence. When asked if the disasters had changed their attitudes, for example, fewer than 20 percent of the 1,450 Japanese consumers we interviewed were less interested in shopping for luxury goods than they were before the disasters (Exhibit 1). The Cabinet Office’s Consumer Confidence Survey report from May 15, 2012, shows that consumer confidence has risen strongly since March 2011 (to 40. 3) and is back to up to levels last seen in 2010. Moreover, in a small but telling sample, when we asked 20 Japan-based luxury company CEOs about their sales outlook, every single one said 2012 would be better than 2011, and almost three-quarters said that the disasters of 2011 had no effect (63 percent) or, counter-intuitively, had a positive effect (10 percent) on company performance. Seventy percent of CEOs Exhibit 1: A vast majority of consumers still have strong interest in luxury Wh ich best describes your own attitudes towards shopping for luxury goods since the earthquake and tsunami on March 11?Percent selecting â€Å"Somewhat less interested,† or â€Å"Less interested† on a 5-point scale Less interested 20s n = 224 30s n = 497 40s n = 414 50s+ n = 323 4. 6 5. 8 10. 4 Somewhat less interested 7. 8 14. 6 22. 4 8. 2 12. 8 21. 0 12. 5 15. 7 28. 2 SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012 were optimistic about the near future and the prospects for Japan’s luxury market (Exhibit 2). Japan’s luxury market rings up between $10-20 billion a year in sales (depending on how the market is defined).That figure is unlikely to grow much, given Japan’s shrinking population, slow economic growth, and cost-conscious consumer attitudes. Strictly from a sales ratio perspective, Japan’s luxury market will continue to wane in importance for most luxury manufacturers. A case in point is LVMH. Just five years ago, Japan accounted for 13 percent of the Exhibit 2: Most executives we surveyed maintain an optimistic view of the future of Japan’s luxury market Which best represents your perspective on the mediumterm future of the luxury goods market in Japan?Percent; n = 20 Somewhat pessimistic 30 35 Optimistic 35 Somewhat optimistic SOURCE: 2012 Luxury CEO survey 1. http://csi. mckinsey. com/Home/Knowledge_by_region/Asia/Japan/japanluxury. aspx 2. Cabinet Office of Japan, http://www. esri. cao. go. jp/en/stat/shouhi/shouhi-e. html 3 â€Å"When it comes to watches, we see customers trading up to higher-end brands and higher-end products. † —Japan president, luxury watch manufacturer company’s global revenue. By 2011, the figure had dropped to 8 percent (and that marked an improvement from 2010).Compare that performance with the rest of Asia, where the company’s sale share rose from 17 percent to 27 percent over the same period. 3 And yet, such figures make it easy to lose sight of one simple reality: Japan remains the world’s third-largest luxury market, after the US and China. more high-end brands than cheaper brands. Not surprisingly, their spending on luxury is not as high as for other age groups, but a higher percentage of them are active in the luxury market (5 percent compared to 2. 3 percent of those age 50 and up).This cohort are more likely to be willing to pay full price and are also more likely to see owning luxury goods as something special. As for men, while they make up a minority of luxury shoppers in Japan, they have stayed more loyal to expensive brands. There are an estimated 3 million men under the age of 34 living alone in Japan. According to government data, average incomes for this group increased by 7 percent Exhibit 3: in 2011, and their spending jumped by 13 percent. Compare this to single women, whose spending grew less than 2 percent, and the average Japanese consumer, whose spending dropped. Young men, it seems, saw the M arch 11 disaster as a good reason to live for the moment, and Japan’s luxury goods market appears to be a beneficiary. Finally, when we look at segmentation by income, Japanese who spend more than a million yen (about $12,000) a year on luxury goods are more than three times as likely to say they are switching to high-end brands than to low-end brands (Exhibit 3). Those who spend less than half as much are reporting the opposite. What we learned Here are some of the most striking insights from McKinsey’s 2012 Luxury Consumer Survey: ?Japan is a market of markets That is, some niches and segments are more promising than others. In terms of products, for example, highend Swiss watches, such as Rolex, Omega, Piaget, and TAG Heuer, have reportedly enjoyed significant growth in the past year. 4 Why? Because luxury consumers seek both emotional and functional benefits. A great watch, they believe, is the kind of item that appreciates in value and can be passed down to the ne xt generation. In terms of behavior, there is opportunity on the sales floor.For reasons that range from a more stable economy to better upselling skills, consumers are trading up in some luxury categories, even as they trade down in others – primarily apparel and similar categories with shorter shelf-lives and greater selections of alternatives. Demographically, younger consumers and men are worthy of particular attention. Twentysomethings are the only group buying Big spenders appear to be â€Å"trading up† to higher-end brands Annual luxury spend (JPY) I am purchasing luxury goods . . . Less often More often Above 1 mil (n = 48) 15 8 I have switched to buying . . More high-end Cheaper brands brands 6 21 0. 5-1 mil (n = 100) 16 5 9 14 Up to 0. 5 mil (n = 953) 22 4 15 5 SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012 Photograph: Abbie Chessler 3. Wall Street Journal, February 21, 2012. 4. Nikkei Weekly, April 2, 2012. 5. Statistics Bureau of Japan, â€Å"Family In come and Expenditure Survey,† first quarter, 2012. 4 ? Experience is increasingly valued The in-store experience is a key element in enjoying luxury, and it may be particularly important in Japan, whose customers are renowned for their high service standards.Asked what were the key elements that enhanced the buying experience, the top two answers Japanese consumers gave were: 1) The staff was kind, and 2) The staff was knowledgeable. Responses were consistent across categories. Luxury executives tell us that for their best customers, the in-store experience and overall customer relationship are nearly as important as product performance. Luxury brands, by definition, are about high quality and exclusivity; providing an excellent customer experience helps to deliver something extra, and those we spoke with are convinced that doing so is well worth the investment.One executive told us that his company, a luxury automaker, saw tremendous value in closely monitoring the daily cust omer relationship management activities of its sales team and using the information to coach staff, not only on closing a sale, but on upselling various options and features. The value of experience also comes through in what consumers tell us they want. There is clear potential for luxury experiences to become â€Å"the next big thing. † Asked their level of interest in various products, those 30 and up named luxury hotels above all others (it ame in second among those in their 20s). Spas and beauty services also scored highly (Exhibit 4). We also asked one of our favorite questions from previous surveys: â€Å"Imagine you won 300,000 yen (about $3,800) in a lottery today. How would you spend it? † Except for those in their 20s, travel scored highest by a decisive margin (Exhibit 5). ? Digital marketing in Japan has far to go Even the executives we spoke to agreed with this. More than twothirds of them admitted that luxury brands have been â€Å"less successful† Exhibit 4: n capturing the changing behavior of consumers, and just 15 percent called online sales a â€Å"meaningful† part of their business in Japan. At the same time, 90 percent said online marketing and promotion was â€Å"somewhat† or â€Å"very† important. A look at the demographics confirms that digital complacency would be a mistake for most luxury players. For one thing, women are more likely than men Are luxury-branded experiences the next big trend? Very interested Interested Think about the luxury brands you like most. When that brand is associated with the following product or service, what would be your level of interest?Percentage of those who are â€Å"very interested† and â€Å"interested† on a scale of 6; n = 1,458 Total Hotel Perfume Home textiles Cosmetics Furniture Spa and other beauty service Home electronic products 13 10 9 10 8 9 8 26 20 21 19 19 17 17 30 30 29 27 26 25 39 20s 14 16 12 16 9 15 24 23 26 29 25 30 33 38 36 45 40 45 30s 14 11 10 12 9 10 27 21 22 20 20 23 24 32 32 32 29 33 41 40s 15 24 39 50s+ 9 5 6 26 19 19 25 25 35 10 15 25 10 18 29 10 14 23 9 15 24 9 12 21 11 18 29 5 16 21 3 20 4 10 14 22 23 9 15 24 7 17 3 19 SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012Exhibit 5: Overall, luxury shoppers show an increased appetite for travel Imagine you won 300,000 yen in a lottery today. How would you spend it? Aggregated average by age group; n = 1,458 20s 100% = 244 Luxury goods 26 30s 224 27 40s 497 21 50s+ 414 21 467 22 410 26 257 27 323 22 Travel Hobbies Living expenses Savings Other 27 25 29 32 26 36 37 9 5 20 2 2011 38 12 6 21 2 2012 6 8 32 1 2011 7 7 33 1 2012 9 7 31 3 2011 9 7 30 1 2012 10 8 28 2 2011 11 6 22 4 2012 1 Includes leather goods/bags, shoes, watches/jewelry SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012 5 We see big tickets becoming even bigger. The level of customization on luxury performance cars has hit a recent high this year: this is where all the money is made. â⠂¬ Ã¢â‚¬â€President, luxury car manufacturer to use digital means on their Consumer Decision Journey;6 this matters because women account for about 75 percent of luxury sales in Japan. For another, almost 16 percent of 20-somethings who had a smartphone or tablet had used it for their last luxury purchase, compared to 5 percent for over-50s; and a full 75 percent of younger consumers had used their device to check prices (Exhibit 6).Capturing the younger consumer is vital, given the looming cloud that is Japan’s relentlessly aging society. As established brands strive to ensure they remain relevant to Japan’s technologically-oriented young people, it is plausible, even likely, that a digital component will be central to those efforts. Likewise social media cannot be ignored. A February 2012 Nikkei survey of Japanese smartphone users showed that about 80 percent of women in ther 20s and 30s, 80 percent of men in their 20s, and 60 percent of men in their 30s and 40s us e social media. 7 ?Old-school rules – by default Because the luxury experience is so important, it stands to reason that both sexes and all ages strongly prefer to do their high-end shopping in person. They still like it best of all in department stores (Exhibit 7). It would be a mistake, however, to conclude that the department store format is thriving. On the contrary: while the sheer number of department stores in prime locations all but guarantees a large audience of shoppers, the tired format has yet to find its place in today’s more dynamic, user-friendly retail landscape.What it all means Based on this research and our experience with many retail clients, we have identified several important implications. ? Own the interplay between digital and in-store touchpoints and embrace social media Just a few years ago, at one of McKinsey’s annual luxury leader dinners in Japan, the consensus in the room was that social media and Exhibit 6: luxury were mutually ex clusive. After all, the thinking went, social media is inclusive by definition, and luxury is exclusive.Today, companies like Burberry are demonstrating just how backward and self-defeating that thinking was. Burberry boasts 12 million Facebook followers, 800,000 Twitter followers, and 12 million views on 250 different YouTube videos. In a statement accompanying Burberry’s results over the sixmonth period to September 30, 2011, Angela Ahrendts, the CEO, Smart phones have become an important tool in purchase process for younger consumers General public Do you own a smartphone or tablet PC? Did you use it for your last luxury purchase?Percent, n = 1,458 Shoppers who used a I used it on my last smartphone or tablet PC on I have smartphone/tablet PC luxury purchase last luxury purchase 20s n = 224 30s n = 497 40s n = 414 50s+ n = 323 12 68 36 53 26 46 20 27 Luxury purchases 23 16 22 12 17 8 19 5 SOURCE: Impress R&D ? Smartphone/mobile use trend survey? , 2012 Luxury CEO dinner re spondent survey Exhibit 7: Department stores continue to play crucial role for the category, but three other channels are also strong Thinking about the past 12 months, what channels did you visit to buy luxury goods? multiple answer) Department Fashion goods n = 296 Leather goods n = 294 Watch/jewelry n = 270 Shoes n = 236 76. 2 58. 1 64. 2 77. 0 Brand shop 35. 5 27. 0 34. 2 39. 2 17. 0 33. 0 Outlet 39. 7 39. 7 Duty Free Shop 35. 4 32. 3 28. 6 29. 7 SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012 6. The term â€Å"Consumer Decision Journey† refers to the progression from initial consideration, active evaluation, and moment of purchase to post-purchase experience and loyalty, first presented in the McKinsey Quarterly, â€Å"The Consumer Decision Journey,† June 2009. 7.Nikkei Shohi Watcher, â€Å"The ‘Smart’ Set is Mainly Female† (â€Å"Suma-ju† na hitobito shuuyaku wa josei), February 2012, p. 22. 6 attributed the company’s strong r esults to â€Å"continued investment in innovative design, digital marketing, and retail strategies†. Tiffany & Co. has also embraced digital media, with a highly regarded e-commerce site, Facebook presence, and even an iPad app showcasing its famous line of engagement rings. A key to succeeding in social media is to deliver the brand story and heritage consistently across media while tailoring messages to the specific consumer segments that are using each media format.It’s also important to understand the role each medium plays in the Consumer Decision Journey. For example, in cosmetics it can be easier to introduce cosmetic routines (e. g. , how and in what sequence to apply the product) in store, but consumers often seek out additional information and reviews online. For apparel and accessories, customers may go to the store to buy, since they want to be able to touch items and try them on. The initial introduction and attraction often happens outside the store â₠¬â€œ from storefronts, wordof-mouth, or magazines.Winners will be those who can excel at multichannel marketing and sales. ? Make the most of travel retail Japanese consumers love to travel – up to 20 percent of all luxury consumers have shopped abroad in the past 24 months (Exhibit 8). This accounts for the crucial role of dutyfree shops, where a third of luxury consumers have shopped in the last year. Women are particularly prone to stopping by duty-free, with 36 percent of them buying there. As a result of international travel and the Internet, consumers today know what luxury goods cost both inside and outside Japan, and they ay be timing their shopping to take advantage. This is especially poignant for luxury manufacturers – they need to recognize that the consumer relationship with any given brand crosses international borders. That fact has implications for after-sales service, and underscores the importance of maintaining consistency with the face of the brand across both channels and geographies. For a number of years, we have been observing the emergence of â€Å"global tribes†, that is, groupings of consumers who have more in common with their counterparts in other geographies than with their fellow countrymen.Easy access to social media and cheap travel will only deepen this phenomenon. In response, luxury manufacturers will need to do much more than simply accept that today’s consumers are global; they will need to make their brands even more so. ? Manage parallel imports Parallel imports – identical products imported from a foreign country, then sold for much less – cannot be prevented, but can be managed. Some brands are trying to restrict parallel imports by tracking serial numbers to determine where the imports are coming from, and decreasing Exhibit 8: argins for retailers who are caught. Others are putting limits on aftersales services available to parallel imports. Few companies have chosen to move to one global, exchangeadjusted recommended retail price, though that may become a more standard approach. ? Embrace customization and made-to-order luxury Building off a trend popularized by other consumer-goods companies, such as Adidas and Nike in sports footwear, luxury auto manufacturers, and luxury handbag and accessory players are embracing customization.This is consistent with a broader consumer trend in developed markets (the â€Å"My† generation) where niche is replacing mass in many areas and consumers have grown used to customizing everything from their playlists to their iPhone covers. Luxury has always been synonymous with exclusivity, but with so many stores and so many new channels to buy from, we have begun to see a â€Å"commoditization† of exclusivity. In a sense, then, customization is the ultimate in exclusivity. For example, Louis Vuitton recently launched a service in Japan that allows customers to select the leather and then design uniqueJapanes e consumers continue to purchase luxury items abroad 2012 2011 2010 Which of the following places did you make a luxury purchase in last 2 years? Percent of respondents who bought luxury goods in category abroad within last 24 months; multiple answer; 2012 Top 5 Hawaii Korea Europe North America (excluding Hawaii) Hong Kong/Macau SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2011/2012 14 10 12 14 17 17 18 22 21 22 22 25 27 32 19 7 â€Å"We continue to be concerned about the relevance and impact of department stores. We can’t stop experimenting with new concepts. —Japan president, global luxury accessory and apparel player products. Some luxury carmakers tell us their strong revenue growth in Japan has come not because they are selling more cars, but because buyers are loading up on various bells and whistles to create their own personalized, ideal vehicle. Of course, customization comes at a cost to luxury manufacturers, adding complexities to the supply chain and bey ond. It must be reserved primarily for truly high-end products. the number of car-sharers has increased 10-fold, to 170,000, and revenues ould surge to $550 million by 2016, according to estimates from Frost & Sullivan. 9 This shift to value is real and enduring. So, we believe, is the emphasis on discretion. In the wake of the earthquake, the percentage of those who said that showing off luxury goods was in bad taste rose sharply, from 24 percent to 49 percent; this year, it was 51 percent. The quest for value and a desire to avoid the appearance of conspicious consumption are not necessarily antithetical to an appreciation of luxury. These attitudes can co-exist.In fact, that precisely describes the state of the Japanese market: Consumers are ready, willing, and sometimes eager to buy. But they are doing so with rigorous deliberation. Exhibit 9: Brian Salsberg is a principal in McKinsey’s Tokyo office and a leader of the Consumer & Shopper Insights center in Asia. Naomi Yam akawa is a marketing expert in Tokyo. The authors wish to thank Georges Desvaux, Todd Guild, Ryu Iwase, Euljeong Moon, Yuka Morita, and Kohei Sakata for their help. Conclusions Only a little more than a year after the worst crisis to hit Japan since World War II, the Japanese luxury market is stable.Ultimately, it comes down to this: despite deflation and disaster, Japanese consumers continue to want luxury goods and to buy them at a good clip. But – and this has been true since the financial crisis hit in 2008 – they are more cautious about price and more demanding. They do not just want an expensive product to look great and to work beautifully, but to satisfy other needs, whether emotional or even social. Half of luxury car buyers, for instance, say that â€Å"eco-friendliness† is important to them (Exhibit 9). The quest for value, in all its forms, is becoming characteristic up and down the retail chain.As we argued in the McKinsey Quarterly in 2010, many co nsumers have diverted a chunk of their spending away from high-priced prestige. 8 Wal-Mart, Amazon, Costco, Ikea, Daiso, Uniqlo, private-label foods, and the low- to middle-end specialty apparel players are all doing conspicuously well. Then there is carsharing – short-term rentals by the hour. This service barely existed in 2009 (revenues were about $17 million). Today it has become positively mainstream. With many Japanese deterred by the high price of owning and maintaining a car,Photograph: Abbie Chessler What do luxury consumers think of luxury automobiles? 2012 2011 Regarding luxury cars, do you agree/disagree to the below statements? Percent who answered â€Å"strongly agree† and â€Å"agree† within 6 scale; n = 1,458 Luxury cars have characteristics that justify the premium price 20s 30s 40s 50s+ 31 37 33 30 35 33 41 39 9 12 11 11 10 It's worth the money to buy a luxury car for the superb driving experience 13 13 12 Being â€Å"eco-friendly† is as important for luxury cars as design or driving experience 51 47 48 50 56 52 52 44SOURCE: McKinsey Japan Luxury Consumer Survey 2012 About the Japan Luxury Consumer Survey McKinsey conducted this national online survey of 1,450 consumers in April and May 2012, for the fourth year in a row. Focusing on four categories (fashion, leather goods, shoes, and watches/jewelry), we interviewed 250 to 300 luxury consumers (defined as those who have purchased any one of 174 brands in the last two years). We also spoke to 350 â€Å"lapsed† luxury buyers. Two-thirds of the respondents were female. 8. McKinsey Quarterly, â€Å"The new Japanese consumer,† March 2010. ttps://www. mckinseyquarterly. com/The_new_Japanese_consumer_2548 9. Frost & Sullivan, â€Å"Strategic Analysis of the Car-Sharing Market in Japan,† July 2011 8 What McKinsey’s Consumer and Shopper Insights portal has to offer Where do more than 15,000 executives get their daily dose of consumer insights? c si. mckinsey. com. Sign up now. It’s free. ? ? ? ? ? How are China’s hypermarkets different from Western ones? (One clue: those live chickens in the food aisle. ) How is the digital consumer changing? (In six major ways. ) How are Mexican consumers feeling? (Not great. Are global luxury shoppers cutting back? (Not so much. ) Is Poland promising territory for online retailers? (Yes. ) The 21st century has already seen the unimaginable and the improbable. But here is one certainty: The world is about to see the biggest increase in consumption in history. Learn all about it—and be part of the conversation—at csi. mckinsey. com. These are just a few of the questions asked and answered on csi. mckinsey. com. As a global consultancy, McKinsey has the resources, and the desire, to explore the ever-changing, ever-elusive global consumer.To take just one example, we have spoken with more than 60,000 Chinese shoppers to discern what they are thinking, buying and thinking about buying. Here’s another example: Since August 2008, McKinsey has interviewed a representative sample of Americans every six months to track their attitudes and spending. How do the world’s digital consumers spend their online time? We can tell you that, too. 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We’ll send you notices of what’s new about twice a month. ttp://csi. mckinsey. com 9 McKinsey Consumer and Shopper Insights You can dowload McKinsey’s previous luxury reports at http://csi. mckinsey. com July 2010 McKinsey Asia Consumer and Retail McKinsey Asia Consumer and Retail Luxury goods in Japan: Momentary sigh or long sayonara? How luxury companies can succeed in a changing market Japan’s luxury consumer: Detecting a pulse? Special Report: McKinsey & Company Japan Luxury Goods Survey 2010 Brian Salsberg Naomi Yamakawa Luxury goods in Japan: Momentary sign or long sayonara? (June 2009) Japan’s luxury consumer: Detecting a pulse? (June 2010) June 2011Consumer and Shopper Insights August 2011 August 2010 CSI Insights Flash June 2010 McKinsey Consumer and Shopper Insights McKinsey Consumer & Shopper Insights Korea’s luxury market: Demanding consumers, but room to grow McKinsey Asia Consumer and Shopper I nsights No seismic shift for luxury in postquake Japan Special Report: Japan Luxury Goods Survey 2011 Understanding China’s Growing Love for Luxury By Aimee Kim and Martine Shin Key themes from the 2011 McKinsey Korea Luxury Consumer Survey Every year since 2006, sales of luxury goods in South Korea have risen at least 12%1, to an estimated $4. billion in 2010. In the first four months of 2011, sales at department stores were up more than 30% compared to 2010. 2 This continues an established trend, as last year’s report on the market showed (see report at csi. mckinsey. com: â€Å"Living it up in luxury. †) Still, insiders are asking whether it can last. For one thing, according to McKinsey’s survey, the percentage of household income that luxury consumers spend on luxury is already higher in South Korea (5%), than in Japan (4%)3—and the Japanese luxury market has been stagnant in recent years.Moreover, the performances of famous brands in Korea ha ve been mixed. For example, LVMH and Ferragamo continued to do well, but others, like Gucci Group and Dior, saw sales drop in real terms in 2010. 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 Thus, while the headline news is that the luxury market is still growing strongly, uncertainty is also mounting. In this year’s report, McKinsey addresses these concerns, which come in the form of three key questions: Can South Korea keep it up? What’s changing?And what do these trends mean for the players in the luxury industry? To answer these questions, for the second year in a row, McKinsey surveyed 1,000 Koreans who had purchased at least 1 million Korean won ($930) in luxury goods in the previous year across four categories —fashion apparel, leather goods, shoes, and watches/jewelry. Among the respondents were 200 â€Å"heavy purchasers†Ã¢â‚¬â€those who had spent at least 10 million Korean won ($9,300). We also interviewed 24 senior executives of luxury-goods companies. Here’s what we found. 5Let’s start with the proposition that not all consumers are created equal; to a startling degree, it is mainly the heavy purchasers who are keeping the Korean luxury market rolling with such force. For example, Lotte department store estimated that the number of â€Å"Most Valuable Customers†Ã¢â‚¬â€those who spend 15 million won ($14,000) or more a year—rose 14. 4% in 2010, compared to 9. 2% for other kinds of luxury consumers. The number of VIP customers at Shinsegae department store —those who spend more than 8 million won ($7,400) —grew 35%, compared to 12% for other consumers. 6 Shopping at the high end also appears to be habit-forming.McKinsey found that heavy purchasers are much more likely to say that they enjoy their goodies â€Å"as much as I always have† vs. non-heavy customers (33% to 12%). This difference in attitude was reflected in their actual spending: The big-spenders indicated that they had spent more on all four luxury categories in the previous 12 months. Non-heavy buyers were pickier: While they spent more on watches and leather, they spent less on South Korea: Living it up in luxury Special Report: 2010 Luxury Goods Survey McKinsey & Company South Korea Brian Salsberg Naomi Yamakawa 1. Can South Korea keep it up?Yes. A number of trends, small and large, are creating a model of sustainable growth for the next three to five years. McKinsey Insights China Euromonitor Ministry of Knowledge Economy McKinsey analysis Financial Supervisory Service The report surveyed at least 200 luxury consumers for each product category; luxury consumers were screened based on purchase history of select luxury brands (ranging from affordable â€Å"masstige† brands to â€Å"super premium† brands) and included 85 luxury fashion apparel brands, 57 luxury leather goods and shoes brands, and 47 luxury watch/jewelry brands.Asia Economy, â€Å"VIP customers have increased at department stores,† August 28, 2010 No seismic shift for luxury in post-quake Japan (June 2011) Understanding China’s growing love for luxury (March 2011) Korea’s luxury market: Demanding consumers,but room to grow (August 2011) South Korea: Living it up in luxury (August 2010)